Sunday, May 20, 2012

Why the “Elizabeth Warren Question” Makes My Eyes Tear Up from the Tedium of it All (Or, the Likeness of Being Bored to Tears)

The Boston Herald published an article on April 26 that has ignited – or really, solicited – all kinds of editorials and commentaries on Elizabeth Warren’s Native American ancestry.

I have been as bored with the “revelation” of Warren’s ancestry as I have been with the discussions on the conservative right that have followed. I do not promise my remarks to be any more interesting. The only thing that would make them so would be if those engaged in "covering the issue" (or, really, furthering it as a scandal) were committed to the integrity and ethics of what they were saying and the issues that they were talking about.

But I rant. To bring everyone onto the same page: Elizabeth Warren has been a fiercely progressive consumer advocate, serving on the Congressional Oversight Panel that oversaw the implementation of the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act and as a Special Advisor to President Barak Obama on the creation of a Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. In both of these roles, she garnered many enemies and critics among the conservative right – congressional, corporate, and media. She is now the democratic candidate for the Massachusetts Senate, against republican incumbent Scott Brown. Just about everyone on the conservative right, including Brown’s campaign, have seized upon Warren’s ancestry as a means to challenging her integrity, ethics, and viability as a candidate.

And that’s about as interesting as it gets. Interesting, that is, if interesting means tedious. As if any one of these individuals actually cared about or were committed to understanding the politics of Native American ancestry and the ethics of self-definition that they are suddenly morally outraged over and not, in fact, committed to finding any means necessary to de-legitimate Warren’s righteous critiques of Congressional and Wall Street corruption and fraud.

I suppose I find it near impossible to believe any of them care about Warren’s ancestry and what it instances in Native American history given their position on Native human rights to self-determination – a position that led to the United States’ vote against the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007 and its lame-duck endorsement in 2010, only after the proverbial “this means nothing” clause was added to nullify its legal implications for Native land rights and jurisdiction.

So, now Native people are to believe that everyone in congress, wall street, and the media – on the right, one the left, in the middle – actually cares about Native American ancestry, the historical issues that inform it, and what it means in national politics? Excuse me if I find this hard to accept.

Seven observations made while witnessing “the Warren controversy” from a discrete distance

1. The conservative right – including those in Congress, on Wall Street, in the media, the non-profit sector, and higher education – have worked very hard since World War II to prevent, undermine, distort, and reverse civil rights and Affirmative Action laws and policies that make higher education accessible and affordable. These efforts include congressional complicity with those bank practices that have indentured students and everyone else to exorbitant interest rates on loans that they will never be able to pay back in their lifetimes. They also include the shameless commercial use of “minorities” to disguise their racism as multicultural inclusion.

2. Ancestry is not the same thing as membership in a federal or state recognized American Indian tribe or Alaskan Native village, even though most tribes and villages require documented lineal descent for membership. There are numerous reasons why individuals can claim ancestry and either not be able to prove their lineal descent by genealogical record or qualify for membership in a recognized tribe or village. (Not to mention the many reasons why tribes and villages might not hold recognition status.)

3. Tribes and villages make a legal distinction between those who can claim ancestry and those who are members (often preferring the language of citizenship in sovereign nations). It is common for tribes and villages to respect an individual’s right to claim ancestry as an individual’s basic human right to self-determination. It is common for tribes and villages to assert their membership or citizenship policies and criteria as an integral part of their collective human rights to governance.

4. There are many, many individuals and groups in the United States who make false claims to Native identity for economic and social gain. Native people call them “wannabes.” These individuals and groups have done real damage to Native communities, including that done by taking away fellowships, professional appointments, and all of the commensurate economic benefits and reputation they could provide Native students and scholars. They also do real damage by affirming Anti-Affirmative Action and anti-sovereignty arguments that no one has a legitimate claim and so right to Native self-determination.

5. There is no legitimate DNA test or “evidence” that can prove Native or any other racial ancestry or lineal descent. No. None. Get over it. (See Kim TallBear's interview in "The Myth of Native American Blood.")

6. Physical appearance is not a valid measure of Native or any other racial ancestry, let alone citizenship or membership. But perceptions and judgments about it are a valid measure of racism towards Native people. It doesn’t indicate the “truth” of one’s ancestry or lineal descent, it does tell a lot about what someone expects Native people to look like based on racist stereotypes. Stereotypes that continue to be used to undermine Native sovereignty and self-determination.

7. If anyone discussing "the Warren question" really cared about Native people, they would be writing against the racist expectations and historical ignorance fueling the questions about her ethics and integrity. They would be writing for Native self-determination.

Friday, May 4, 2012

Where White and Black Collide, There is No Grey: The Entitlement of Racial Privilege and Racism

The Chronicle


On April 12, Stacey Patton’s article, “Black Studies: Swaggering Into the Future: A new generation of Ph.D.'s advances the discipline,” appeared in The Chronicle of Higher Education. Patton is a Ph.D. candidate in History at Rutgers University and a professor at Montclair State University. She has received numerous journalism awards and written for The Washington Post, The Baltimore Sun, New York Newsday, and Scholastic. Ironically, “Black Studies” begins:
Northwestern University's first cohort of black-studies Ph.D.'s was not baptized in the fire of racial politics. They are members of a younger generation of scholars who bring 21st-century perspectives to the study of race and new approaches to the field of black studies. The struggle for civil rights and racial integration is not part of their lived experience. They grew up in the 1980s and 1990s, often attended the best colleges, and typically escaped at least some of the racial injustices their elders knew. Raised by parents who have provided more educational opportunities than the generation before, they are scholars who tend not to get hung up on victimization and alienation. Young black-studies scholars, like the five who enrolled in Northwestern's inaugural Ph.D. class in 2006, are less consumed than their predecessors with the need to validate the field or explain why they are pursuing doctorates in their discipline. They have chosen dissertation topics with clear social relevance to this generation's ethos and are expanding upon previous studies of race with more nuanced examinations of sexuality, class, religion, performativity of race in day-to-day interactions, and global views about blackness.
On April 30, The Chronicle of Higher Education published Naomi Schaefer Riley’s response to Patton, “The Most Persuasive Case for Eliminating Black Studies? Just Read the Dissertations.” So I say "ironically" because Riley’s blog instances the racial politics that the students' elders fought so fiercely against and even within the same institutional forum that so many of their struggles were fought.

Naomi Schaefer Riley, a graduate from Harvard University in English and Government, is a prolific journalist. She has authored numerous articles for the Wall Street Journal, the New York Times, the Boston Globe, the LA Times, the Washington Post, and is a regular contributor to the Chronicle’s Brainstorm blog. She has also authored several books, including God on the Quad: How Religious Colleges and the Missionary Generation Are Changing America, The Faculty Lounges ... And Other Reasons Why You Won't Get the College Education You Pay For, and co-authored Acculturated.

In “The Most Persuasive Case for Eliminating Black Studies? Just Read the Dissertations,” Riley writes:
If ever there were a case for eliminating the discipline, the sidebar explaining some of the dissertations being offered by the best and the brightest of black-studies graduate students has made it. What a collection of left-wing victimization claptrap. The best that can be said of these topics is that they’re so irrelevant no one will ever look at them.

After a vitriolic and dismissive review of three of the five dissertations and their authors, Riley concludes:
Seriously, folks, there are legitimate debates about the problems that plague the black community from high incarceration rates to low graduation rates to high out-of-wedlock birth rates. But it’s clear that they’re not happening in black-studies departments. If these young scholars are the future of the discipline, I think they can just as well leave their calendars at 1963 and let some legitimate scholars find solutions to the problems of blacks in America. Solutions that don’t begin and end with blame the white man.

A deluge of public comments on The Chronicle’s Brainstorm, other blogs, and newspapers followed. This includes Tressiemc’s “The Inferiority of Blackness as a Subject” and a statement co-authored by three of the aforementioned graduate students on The Chronicle’s Brainstorm blog published May 3.

While taking on Riley’s minimalization of the importance of the work within Black Studies on issues like midwifery, housing, public policy, and race, as well as her targeting of doctoral students, the punch line of Tressiemc’s critique is on The Chronicle’s complicity with it:
… by elevating Schaefer Riley’s racially tinged attack on three emerging scholars, The Chronicle is legitimizing open season on black scholars for doing black studies. That’s racist racism. It does go to prove that black studies remain critical to academe but it also begs the question: with colleagues like The Chronicle and Naomi Schaefer Riley who in the hell needs enemies?

The graduate students respond powerfully and decisively with a critique of the conservative right’s unswerving display of racism towards Black people – most recently on the campaign trails of Rick Santorum and Newt Gingrich.
One can only assume that in a bid to not be “out-niggered” by her right-wing cohort, Riley found some black women graduate students to beat up on.  Despite her attempts to silence us personally, and indeed the discipline as a whole, her exhortations confirm the need for the vigorous study and investigation of black life in the United States and beyond. Riley describes our work as driven by “conspiracy theories,” “liberal hackery,” and “left-wing victimization claptrap” all in an attempt to deny the persistence of racism in American society…. As black people living in the United States we do not need conspiracy theories or white bogie men to explain the disparities that separate and distinguish the life chances of white people compared to those of African Americans, even with a black president sitting in the White House.  We understand that these conditions are driven and shaped by racism and real white men who exercise power and influence in the economic, social and political institutions that govern this nation.  Before the dirt has fully come to rest on the grave of Trayvon Martin, black men and women, in the academy or outside of it, have never needed Harvard educated white women to lecture us about the conditions in the communities we live in—and we certainly do not need it now. Our work is not about victimization; it is about liberation.  Liberating the history, culture and politics of our people from the contortions and distortions of a white supremacist framework that has historically denied our agency and subjectivity as active participants in the making of the world we live in.

As with Tressiemc, the students conclude by shaming The Chronicle for publishing and so legitimating Riley’s argument.

After such powerful and empowered remarks, you would think Riley’s racism would be tempered by some even modest humility. But instead, on May 3, she issued another blog entry, “Black Studies, Part 2: A Response to Critics” – on The Chronicle’s Brainstorm.

After dissing feminism as offering nothing more than clichéd mantras (“the personal is political”), Riley shores herself up against her critics first by reviewing her credentials (“My qualifications to post on this blog consist of….) and the fact that since “Black studies is now an academic discipline at most universities” she – as a qualified journalist – “get[s] to comment on that too.” She then dismisses as “laughable at best” the idea that she cannot criticize the most privileged of Black people – graduate students – and that in doing so she is “bullying” them. “Finally, since this is a blog about academia and not journalism, I’ll forgive the commenters for not understanding that it is not my job to read entire dissertations before I write a 500-word piece about them. I read some academic publications (as they relate to other research I do), but there are not enough hours in the day or money in the world to get me to read a dissertation on historical black midwifery. In fact, I’d venture to say that fewer than 20 people in the whole world will read it. And the same holds true for the others that are mentioned in the piece.” In other words, she is qualified but not informed and that is just fine given the time and word-limit constraints of being a blog contributor.

Riley concludes that, “Such is the state of academic research these days. The disciplines multiply. The publication topics become more and more irrelevant and partisan. No one reads them. And the people whom we expect to offer undergraduates a broad liberal-arts education (in return for billions of dollars from parents and taxpayers) never get trained to do so. Instead the ivory tower pushes them further and further into obscurity.”

The Politics of Erasure

There is nothing unusual or even really all that interesting about Riley's arguments. She is not saying anything extraordinary, especially if you have been listening to those fiscal and social conservatives who claim to have the public's best interests at heart -- especially but not only when it comes to the question of defunding public education.

The arguments of fiscal conservatives go that the employability of university graduates is thwarted by obscure curriculum that has no "real world" relevance. This is because the curriculum -- and the scholarship on which it is based -- is far too specialized to be helpful, issued as it is from the highfalutin interdisciplinary fields of critical race, ethnic, gender, sexuality, and disability studies to an ever increasingly narrowed and self-indulgent audience of the same. The result of this intellectual masturbation is evident in the high unemployment rates of graduates, not to mention the ever increasing egotistical delusions and intellectual eccentricities of university faculty and their doctoral students.

When paired with the arguments of social conservatives, we not only get Riley-esque rants about how everything coming from the interdisciplinary fields of critical race, ethnic, gender, sexuality, and disability studies has an "anti-white man" stench to it, but we get Arizona's ban of ethnic studies curriculum in public schools. The arguments of social conservatives can and do go in all kinds of directions: ethnic studies faculty and students are looking for scapegoats to blame their own personal shortcomings and/or community ills on; ethnic studies curriculum is "advocating ethnic solidarity" against whites, even inciting prejudice, bigotry, and resentment of ethnic groups towards whites; white men are being made over, unfairly, into the grand historical oppressors of everyone else. The result is the same. Legally mitigated censorship, book banning, and defunding.

But in order to make any or all of these arguments, all kinds of erasures are necessary. And those erasures are what enable and perpetuate the laws and policies of censorship, book banning, and defunding.

Erasures such as those of the role of deregulation and tax breaks for transnational corporations and their banks in the economic collapse and loss of jobs for students and everyone else -- corporations/banks themselves engaged in shipping jobs and resources oversees while investing their huge profits into executive salaries and shareholder benefits and not, as they claim, into new jobs for graduates.

Erasures such as those of the role of corrupted fraud within congress and bank lending and crediting practices that have left millions homeless or living in unlivable situations while indenturing millions more (and some of the same) to exorbitant interest rates on student and mortgage loans that they will never be able to pay off in their lifetimes.

Erasures such as those of the role of systematic and systemic devastation of lands, rivers, and life that has not only threatened our environmental sustainability but the ability of families and whole communities to house, feed, and cloth themselves. Families and communities whose health -- as a direct result of this devastation -- will only deteriorate further with their loss of public access to health care.

Erasures such as the fact that "liberal arts" university degrees are often sought and earned by students wanting to become K-12 teachers, who must now contend with insecure careers in underfunded public school systems and against anti-union efforts that threaten their health care and pensions.

Throughout the erasure of these social contexts is the role of racist ideologies and practices aimed not at fiscal responsibility or more moderate textbooks but the continuation of an entire legal and economic system that benefits some at the expense of others. And not just any "some" or any "others." Those who benefit from the system we live in are those classified and perceived as white, as heterosexual, as citizen, as lawful, as human. Those who do not are non-white, non-heterosexual, non-citizen, non-lawful, and inhuman. Their effort is not to make public education relevant and non-partisan -- as people like Riley pretend -- but to ensure that education does not pose a viable political opposition or threat to the continuation of these relationships of privilege and suppression. And what better way to do that than to call for its defunding on the pretense of its irrelevance?


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See A Note to Our Readers: From The Chronicle (Monday, May 7)



Thursday, May 3, 2012

An Open Letter from Native American and Indigenous Studies Scholars in defense of UCLA Professor David Shorter and other scholars who support the academic and cultural boycott of Israel


April 30, 2012

As Native American and Indigenous Studies scholars who endorse the US Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (USACBI), we write in defense of our colleague Professor David Shorter.  Shorter has been accused by representatives from the “AMCHA Initiative” of misusing campus resources for “the purpose of promoting the academic and cultural boycott of Israel” to students in his Winter 2012 course, “Tribal Worldviews” at UCLA.  In its rhetoric, AMCHA equates criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism, a spurious equation wielded by those who seek to suppress open discussion of Israel and its state policies.

The course focused on examining indigenous peoples’ struggles around the world and the use of global media and arts to politically mobilize communities. The course site included dozens of links to websites, articles, petitions, and videos, as examples of indigenous and activist campaigns. Shorter included a link to the website of the USACBI (a campaign which Shorter himself has endorsed along with hundreds of other faculty members from universities across the country).[i]  Additionally, he included United Nations documents that framed the Palestinian struggle as an indigenous struggle.

In an email message on March 29, 2012, Tammi Rossman-Benjamin and Leila Beckwith, the co-founders of AMCHA, wrote a complaint to administrators of the University of California that was also copied to select California politicians.[ii]  In response to their message, Professor Andrew Leuchter, the chair of UCLA’s Academic Senate, reviewed Shorter’s course materials without ever directly communicating with him or speaking with his students or teaching assistants.  Leuchter then conveyed to Shorter, through Shorter’s department chair, that he should not repeat the “mistake” of providing the USACBI weblink, while making no mention of the other dozens of sources on the course site.  Shorter expressed to his chair that he understood the larger social context of the accusations – namely the policing of academic viewpoints critical of Israel – and that the matter deserved further discussion before the course would be taught again.  No discussion of the issues took place; Leuchter acted as the sole reviewer of the complaint and did not involve the Academic Senate's Committee on Academic Freedom.  And yet, he falsely reported to AMCHA, UC and UCLA administrators, as well as CA politicians, that Shorter understood “his serious error in judgment” and “said that he will not make this mistake again.”[iii]

In response to these multiple violations of academic freedom, we join the California Scholars for Academic Freedom in insisting upon an official review of the inappropriate way in which UCLA’s academic leaders handled this matter. We reject the singling out and censoring of criticism of the Israeli state by AMCHA as well as the collusion of university administrators with this position. We strongly support Shorter's academic freedom and support all scholarly efforts that enable critical analysis of every sort, including consideration of the Palestinian people’s resistance to Israeli occupation, settler colonialism, and apartheid.

The attack on Shorter is not an isolated incident; faculty and students on campuses across the country have been attacked for supporting the rights of Palestinian people and for providing a critical analysis of Israeli policies. By persistently labeling all scholars, non-Jewish and Jewish alike, who provide information about Israel’s violations of Palestinian human rights as anti-Semitic purveyors of “hate speech,” the pro-Israel lobby has sought to stifle public debate on campuses and in the media across the country.  It is essential to prevent reactionary groups from using tactics of intimidation to silence the vitality and possibility for critical discussions on the policies of Israel.

In this attempt to control what can and cannot be taught within a university classroom AMCHA has demonstrated its adherents’ lack of respect for free academic inquiry, and UCLA’s leaders have demonstrated their willingness to sacrifice that same freedom for the sake of political expediency.

As academics who believe that the right to open academic debate and democratic faculty governance is crucial to the ethical production of scholarship and knowledge, we strongly support Professor David Shorter and call upon all scholars to resist the silencing and censorship of debate in the academy and public sphere.

Hoku Aikau, University of Hawaiʻi, Mānoa
Joanne Barker, San Francisco State University
Kevin Bruyneel, Babson College
Eric Cheyfitz, Cornell University
Vicente M. Diaz, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Maria Elena Garcia, University of Washington
Alyosha Goldstein, University of New Mexico
Noelani Goodyear-Kaʻopua, University of Hawaiʻi, Mānoa
Lisa Kahaleole Hall, Wells College
LeAnne Howe, University of Illinois, Urbana Champaign
J Kēhaulani Kauanui, Wesleyan University
José Antonio Lucero, University of Washington
Dawn Peterson, Smith College
Jacki Thompson Rand, University of Iowa
Steven Salaita, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University
Kathryn Shanley, University of Montana
Noenoe Silva, University of Hawaiʻi, Mānoa
Circe Sturm, University of Texas at Austin
Kim TallBear, University of California, Berkeley
Robert Warrior, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign

Note: institutional names are for identification purposes only.

[i] http://www.usacbi.org

[ii] http://amchainitiative.org/a-question-about-academic-freedom/

[iii] A copy of the letter was provided to us by Professor Shorter who eventually received a copy from the Chair of his department once he asked for a copy of all documents pertaining to his case generated by the administration.

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See also:

Open letters in defense of UCLA professor under attack by Israel lobby groups

In defense of UCLA Professor David Shorter